|
THE
OILFIELDS WORKERS’ TRADE UNION In
1937, the working class of Trinidad arose in a wave of anti-colonial sentiment.
It was obvious to all that conditions for such an uprising existed in the
colony. Poverty was the rule rather than the exception, unemployment was, even
in those days, high. Workers slaved away in the producing fields and in the
refineries, under backward and dangerous conditions. The work was hard since
there were few machines to ease the burden of labour. Working hours were long,
many injuries to life and limb, and little or no compensation. Housing was a
major problem, health services almost non-existent, and malnutrition rife. Wages
were next nothing, some workers only earning seven cents an hour. the words of
one worker who wrote a heartfelt letter to "PEOPLE" Newspaper - "For
years now we have been appealing to them (the management of the Oil Companies)!
more wages to meet the Cost of Living, and we want to make it known that it is
not since the rise in the Cost of Living that our wages cannot meet our need but
years before, and now is worse through the increase in the Cost of Living." On top of these conditions was an unsympathetic Colonial Government whose interests were bound hand a foot to the big Oil Companies - United British Oilfields Trinidad Ltd. (UBOT); Trinidad Leaseholds Ltd. (TLL Apex (Trinidad) Oilfields Ltd., and Kern Oilfields, who we in the main, British owned. The antagonism was heightened by the overt racist attacks on the workers by the white boss and managers. This attitude was typified in the comment b one manager - "THESE BLACK DOGS ONLY BARK - THEY CANNOT BITE." Total subservience for the working class was the order of the day. The workers themselves, though, were deeply conscious of their plight and realised that the only way out w~ to fight back. They had nothing to lose. It was in this milieu that TUBAL URIAH BUZZ BUTLER emerged to voice the sentiments that the workers had been developing for some time. He provided the leadership necessary to transform the idea of struggle into reality. He held hundreds of meetings throughout the oilbelt during the period 1936-37. The response was nothing short of tumultuous. Workers looked upon Butler as a "SAVIOUR. His meetings provoked much discussion and debate amongst the thousands who came out to listen to the Chief Servant. After these meetings, workers would spend hours in the fields1 in the shops, and on the streets - discussing their problems and deciding what must be done. This whole period then was one of a mass political awakening and agitation, Butler was telling the people to prepare for action - for it was only action that would alleviate their problems. The tension was high in the weeks prior to June 1937 - the working class was on the move, preparing itself to strike a blow for the new dawn. What happened is now well-recorded history. The strike began in the Apex Oilfields in Fyzabad, in the early hours of the morning of June 19th 1937. Within a few hours, it had spread to most oilfields, the word of the strike being relayed by contingents of workers on bicycles - organised as an effective communication network. And on the evening of June 19th, while Butler was addressing several hundred workers at Fyzabad, an attempt was made to arrest him. Butler asked the rhetorical question - "MUST I GO COMRADES?" and, as true working class people protecting their leader, the workers responded by attacking the police killing one of them - the infamous CHARLIE KING. The struggle soon became nationwide embracing workers from the sugar plantations, as well as those who laboured in Port of Spain. The workers were struggling to improve their very quality of life - better wages, improved housing, proper provisions for health, a workmen's compensation ordinance and unemployment compensation were but some of their demands. The call for "Home Rule" was another rallying cry of the workers, as they believed at the time that the achievements of Home Rule would be a step forward in their struggle to determine their destiny. Demonstrations, marches and acts of sabotage were the means that the workers thought best capable of bringing about their objectives. The colonial Government reacted in a fashion characteristic to its nature, by bringing in troops and marines, who, coupled with the local police set about viciously crushing the uprising. The uprising lasted until July 2nd by which time armed forces of the capitalists had killed fourteen (14) people and left hundreds of others wounded. A temporary halt had be8n put on the aspirations of the people. It was out of this political situation that the Oilfields
Workers' Trade Union was born, and from its inception, it was imbued with the
spirit of the 1937 movement. The Oilfields Workers' Trade Union was created
because the workers needed an organisation to defend their interests against the
employers. It was a natural - and historic - step for the oil-workers to take.
Established on 25th July, 1937, and registered on the 15th September, 1937 the
Oilfields Workers' Trade Union, soon became a word on the lips of every
oil-worker and his family. After a number of clandestine meetings held on Lum
Tack Hill in Fyzabad, the first official meeting was held at one Mr. Williams'
quarters, Coon's Town, Forest Reserve, Fyzabad, on the 15th July, 1937. The
minutes of that historic meeting give an indication of the events. The Conference to establish the Union was held on the 25th July, with representatives from most of the fields attending. Immediately after, the Union wrote its first letter to the employers. Sometime after, the Rules of the Union were drawn up, and the first Central Office at No. 16 Coffee Street was established. The Blue Shirts which have become Synonymous with the O.W.T.U. did not begin to appear until early in 1939. In the next few weeks a flood of workers signed membership forms and paid their first dues. Organisers went into the fields to hold meetings with oilworkers and to enlist them as members. Every night, the Executive travelled to another part of the oilbelt giving "stirring speeches" and encouraging people to join. In all of these meetings, the support was overwhelming, the crowds could hardly be accommodated in the premises - rented or borrowed for the meeting. One newspaper reported that in a meeting in Barrackpore "Over 600 men and Women came to the meeting. More than 100 new members were enrolled and so anxious were workers to join the OWTU that they were almost fighting to reach the table where the Secretary/General sat, to sign up. Banner
headlines in the "PEOPLE" proclaimed - "Crowded oilworkers
Meeting'; 'Members Display United Stand" Workers flocking into the
Movement". Membership reached One Thousand; Three hundred and fifty (1,350) within three weeks of the founding, and continued to multiply. What was significant too, was that many meetings were held under the auspices of the OWTU and the All Trinidad Sugar Estates and Factory Workers Trade Union – of which Adrian Cola Rienzi, was also first President. The close working class links between the workers in oil and Sugar had its beginnings with Butler in 1937. Because of the warrant for his arrest, Butler went in "hiding" and was in fact out of the mainstream of the early organisational work of the Union. The person whom Butler entrusted with that responsibility was Rienzi, and he and the other Executive Officers openly canvassed Support in the name of Butler." In fact, it was generally understood by workers that on Butler's return to public life he would be at the helm of the OWTU - as it was his rightful place as leader of the working class. This however, was not to be. Butler had come out
of hiding on 27th September 1937 in order to give evidence before the FORSTER
COMMISSION, on the undertaking by the Governor that he would be free. He was
however, immediately arrested and was not released until May 1939. Throughout
this period, the Union had consolidated its position in the Oilfields. On his release, Butler was given a Hero's Welcome, and to the Surprise of many was made - not President General of the Union but General Organiser. The differences between the philosophy of Butler and that of Rienzi, Rojas and company, were beginning to appear. Butler immediately threw himself into his activities as General Organiser - mobilising the workers for another confrontation with the Companies in order to win better wages. The Executive of the Union, headed by Rienzi, did not approve of Butler's militancy They in fact were already showing signs of compromise with the Employers. According to the Acting Governor, the Executive had "developed a real sense of responsibility." When the workers at the Trinidad Lake Asphalt Operating Co., went on strike on the 26th July 1939, Butler supported them, the Executive did not. As a result, Butler was twice called before the Executive to explain his position. He refused to go, sending excuses on both occasions. The Executive then turned their backs on the hero of the working class and expelled him from the Union on 3rd August 1939. The split between Butler and Rienzi came about essentially because of two different views of working class struggle. Rienzi had wanted the Trade Union as an institution of the workers - to become what the Colonial Officials had desired - "an organised means of collective bargaining through which the claims or grievances of the workpeople could have found ample means of expression." It was in fact the opinion of the Governor that had these Trade Unions existed prior to 1937 "The disturbances might have been avoided". Butler's view - and that of the workers - was the opposite. They needed a fighting organisation that could bring the companies and the Colonial Government to their knees. The workers felt that only in this way could they effect a fundamental change in their lives. Rienzi, in pursuing the reactionary view, and his own selfish interest (he wanted to join the status quo in the colonial Government machinery) went as far as to suggest to the authorities that Butler be arrested for sedition. These two different philosophies have persisted until today, one being represented by the Leadership of the Trade Union Congress (AC Rienzi), the other embodied in the O.W.T.U. This was one of the periods in the Union's history that is best forgotten. A period when the O.W.T.U. was used for the opposite purposes for which it was created. It was also a period when the Union was severely weakened, for with Butler's expulsion, over 90% of the oilworkers ceased membership. By their actions the workers categorically stated that they saw their future lying in militant action, and not with the compromising "reasonableness" of the middle-class leadership that Rienzi typified. Their rejection of Rienzi was similar to their rejection of Cipriani some years before. Working class consciousness had taken some steps forward. The period between 1939 and 1946 were the war
years. A time when the working class of Trinago and the capitalist world over
had to suffer tremendous hardships in order to upkeep the imperialist's
predatory war. Many workers left South Trinidad and moved to Port of Spain to
work on the "Base" because things were hard in the oilbelt. The
situation with the OWTU was no different. Most of its members had left after the
expulsi9n of Butler and the Union consisted mainly of officers and a few loyal
to Rienzi and Rojas. In this period, too, we saw the final capitulation of
Rienzi - as he accepted an appointment to the Executive Council. He became a
(Colonial) Government man - a logical step from the politics of compromise he
had been practising for some time. Butler
himself was detained once again, on the pretext of his being a danger to the war
effort. As a result his own movement suffered from a lack of organisation and
direction. The OWTU somewhat filled the breach, for in 1945 (at the conclusion
of the war) they negotiated their First Industrial Agreement with the
Oilfields Employers Association of Trinidad (the umbrella group which
represented all major oil companies). That the Union was able to negotiate a
Collective Agreement which affected all oilworkers, while it did not have more
than a fraction of the workers as its members, is due to the fact that the
companies (and the Colonial Government) found that the outlook of the OWTU was,
at the time, more agreeable to them than Butler. The Colonial powers believed that by containing the workers within an institutional framework such as a Trade Union they would be able to muzzle the strength of the working class and channel that strength into talking around a table. They were to succeed for a while, but the working class was able to later fashion the Trade Union to suit their own purposes. The 1945 Agreement besides being
the first agreement for the OWTU also made Industrial Relations history since
it contained the very first Cost of Living Allowance Clause negotiated in the
country. In those days it was ~ cent for every 5 point rise in the C.O.L. Index.
By now, too, John Rojas was President General of the Union, succeeding Rienzi in
1943. He was to hold that post for nineteen years. 1946 again saw disturbances in the oilbelt. This time however, the OWTU
played a role which put yet another stain on its record as champion of the
workers' cause. Butler was released from jail on April 9th 1945. His return from
detention on Nelson Island passed without notice from the OWTU Executive. The
working people however, gave him a fitting welcome. According to an old
Butlerite a "Carnival Spirit" pervaded the oilbelt, their hero had
returned to lead them once again. Also to meet him were, according to an
oil-worker, "the politicians - Dr. Solomon, Dr. Pitt, Roy Joseph and others
- who were vying for political honours." Butler immediately began another round of
political agitation. His Union, which had been formed as the alternative to the
OWTU in 1939, was revived. He then waged a struggle with the companies to get
his Union - the British Empire Workers, Peasants and Rate Payers Union
recognised as the representative of the oilworkers. The companies refused to
accept his claim, even though it was obvious to all that he had the support of
the majority of workers. He appealed to the Governor to get the company
management to agree to a poll but the Governor stated that the "employers
and the Unions disapproved of the methods pursued by Butler's Union' and were
unwilling "to have any dealings with Butler". The will of the
workers denied, Butler decided to organise a strike in the oilfields with the
dual aim of forcing the companies to recognise the Union, and bring about the
improved working conditions and a substantial wage increase. The latter was a
particularly serious bread and butter issue for the workers as inflation was
rampant and the 2c. per hour increase that the O.W.T.U. had negotiated late
inl945with the oil companies had only returned oilworkers' wage to the level of
1929. In fact workers were expecting a 2c. per hour increase every year, but
"because of the war" this was not effected. The standard of
living of workers was therefore at a new low. The strike, which began on
December 19th 1946, was effective mostly in the Deep South and particularly
Point Fortin and surrounding areas. The refinery in Point, owned by UBOT was
totally closed down as were most producing fields. The workers were intent on
winning their struggle. They did not, however, reckon with the dastardly move
that John Rojas - President General of the O.W.T.U. was to make. Immediately
following the strike call, the OWTU issued an instruction telling oilworkers not
to strike! Then, when it became apparent that his instruction alone was not
sufficient, Rojas and other Union officials openly recruited people to break the
strike! Under heavily armed police guard he drove busloads of workers (scabs)
into the fields and refinery in order to defeat the workers' struggle. The unholy triumvirate of Rojas (and the OWTU), the Colonial Government
(in the form of the police) and the companies broke the back of the strike.
Rojas obviously realised that the O'WTU would not have developed with Butler
heading a strong rival Union. In addition the Company and the Government wanted
to remove Butler from the scene and they perceived that the best way was to
erode his support. A defeat to Butler would have precipitated this. By the
middle of January 1947, the striking workers had to begin to go back to
their jobs. Those that stayed out continued to carry out the militant action -
spreading oil on the roads, burning buildings and on the 17th January, two oil
wells were set afire. The Government invoked Emergency Powers and removed Butler
to Port of Spain. The strike was thus effectively broken. The companies then
went on a vindictive campaign and refused to give many striking workers back
their jobs. Some were never to get employment for the rest of their lives in the
oil industry. As a living
reminder of the suffering that these Oilworkers and their families underwent,
there stands a community right on the edge of the Point Fortin refinery. Known
as Strikers Village, it is a good example of the contrast between the wealth
of the Oil Industry symbolized by the refinery, and the stark poverty that is
characteristic of this village, a stone's throw away. The 1946 strike
by oil workers was only one of many strikes organized by the workers between
November 1946 and the middle of 1947. Dockworkers, sugar workers and City
Council workers were the other sections of the working class that attempted to
free themselves from poverty. The role of the OWTU in the oil strike was similar
to that played by other Unions led by "reasonable" Trade Unionists -
Albert Gomes, C.C. Abidh and others. It was to be another decade before the
working class was on the move again. 1946-1947 closed
a sordid chapter in the history of the Union, many Oilworkers as a result of
Rojas' action mis-trusted the OWTU. It was only circumstances that forced them
to move back into the fold of the blue shirted army, and it took more than two
decades for the Union to embrace "Buzz" Butler once again. Oilworkers were
now faced with a predicament. On the one hand they had serious misgivings about
the OWTU, after its unforgivable role in the strike in 1947, On the other hand,
their conditions demanded a Union. All the problems they struggled against in 1937, continued to exist - the wages
were exploitative, job security a myth, the companies remained unconcerned about
Health and Safety on the job and fringe benefits were far from fair. Moreover,
they recognised that individual workers could not deal with the giant
companies by whom they were employed. They knew too, from bitter experience,
that the employers intended to recognise but one Union - THE OWTU.
Reluctantly, then, the workers came back into the Blue Shirted Army, and they
did so out of the sheer need to survive. The influx of
members into the Union in the period 1948-50, strengthened the OWTU in two ways.
It increased the size of the Union tremendously, and the new members brought
with them the militancy of the Butlerites. This development had the effect of
forcing JOHN ROJAS and the Executive, to take a stronger and more militant
position towards the companies. According to one oil worker who aptly
described the relationship between leadership and rank and file "Whenever
he (Rojas) came down here, we had him do what we wanted. He had to park aside,
and we order him out of the car and he had to lead us in our
demonstrations." In the first few
years of the 1950's, the OWTU had therefore, recaptured some of
the fire for which it was first known. Marches and demonstrations were held
regularly -and with tremendous support from oilworkers and their families. Every
May Day, in particular, the OWTU would show their solidarity with the workers of
the world in their struggle to free themselves from the shackles of capitalism.
An interesting feature of this period was the tremendous strength and activity
of the Union's Women's Auxiliary who were always in the forefront of all the
demonstrations. Often too, they would take the initiative and organise their own
marches and protests. Rojas, encouraged these
demonstrations as they gave him an air of militancy. It is significant that
throughout this period, the Union never called an official strike - an action
that gives credence to the belief that Rojas' militancy was at the time mere
trappings. There were also,
a number of external influences on Rojas, the Executive and the Union. For one,
Rojas was a member of the WEST INDIAN INDEPENDENCE PARTY (WIP) along with
persons such as Lennox Pierre, John La Rose, Walter Annamunthodo and others,
known for their working class ideology and leftist views on political change. He
was also, at the time, close to Cheddi Jagan, whose PPP in Guyana (then British
Guiana) was maintaining a strong anti-imperialist position. Because of these
connections, the Government and Press often subjected him to attack and
pressure. Hostility was especially strong on the question of the OWTU's
affiliation to the World Federation of Free Trade Unions (WFTU) an international
Trade Union body whose leadership was in the hands of the socialist countries.
Rojas was eventually to buckle under the pressure and affiliate instead to the
American-backed ICFTU. The OWTU, due to its renewed spirit, was
winning benefits for its workers, benefits which had never been achieved by any
Union in the country. In 1950, workers of T.L.L. went on a militant campaign due
to the intransigence of the company in the settlement of the negotiations. A
march was held from Pointe-a-Pierre to San Fernando to show the company the
strength of the workers. Eventually, the largest increase of the day - 1 Sc. an
hour, was won for the workers. In addition, workers were to receive Subsistence
and Meal Allowances for the first time. In 1952, a Disturbance Allowance was
won, and Vacation Leave conditions improved. The Union was succeeding in certain
measure in defending and fighting for the interests of its members, and carving
out its record of getting the best conditions for workers. The influx of
members also had another important effect. For the cons~6usness of workers was
attuned not only to attempting to bring about a better day for oilworkers but
also to ensure that their institution, their Trade Union had real democracy. For
the workers understood all too clearly that without democracy their Union would
become merely a hollow shell, an instrument unable to bring about the benefits
that were theirs by right. If the period between 1949 and 1954, could he characterised as a
period of increased activity for the OWTU the next few years witnessed the Union
undergoing a struggle for internal democracy that was to culminate in 1962 with
a new leadership. This period was an extremely important one in the Union's
history since it gave birth to the leadership of George Weekes and the Rebels,
as well as laying the foundation for the militancy that has made the OWTU the
vanguard trade union in the country - and indeed the Caribbean. Decision
making was far from democratic. Workers were not actively consulted, nor did
they participate in discussion or debate on any of the issues that affected
them. The Union machinery had become a bureaucracy. The system was also open to much manipulation, and this was particularly obvious in the proceedings of the Annual Conference of Delegates - the highest body in the Union. Devised as the means whereby the workers could gather and discuss and decide upon the policy and direction of the Union the Annual Conference was turned by Rojas, into a mockey of democracy. The Conference lasted but a day, more than half of which was taken up by debauchery and playing to the gallery. A commentator (and Union activist) wrote:-"The Annual Conference of Delegates, previous to 1956, were among but a day's outing for the delegates. It began on a Sunday at about 10.30 a.m. with the Chairman's address in which he attacked all those who opposed his policies and actions and stamped them as "traitors wanting to break up the organisation." This was followed by addresses from some Govemment Officials and
Officers of other Unions lasting to about 1.00 pm. Then, came a lunch period
stretching for two hours during which the liquor flowed. At 3.00 p. m. or later
the Conference is resumed with about half the delegates gone and others thinking
of leaving The General Secretary reads a report that has nothing about policy,
programme or finances. There were no budgets or financial statements. This
discussion on the General Secretary's Report was really some ten to fifteen
minute speeches by the Chairman and other members of the Executive. During this
period, delegates, some well under the influence of alcohol, kept leaving, and
by 5.30 p.m. there are less than forty at the meeting. If the
Executive wants some amendment to Rules and if Executive Officers are to be
elected these are rushed through and then at 6.00 p. m. a motion is passed
leaving the rest of matters to be dealt with by the General Council. The charge of undemocratic
practices was to be one of the cornerstones around which the struggle
against the old leadership was to be built. But there were other issues that
made the members dissatisfied with Rojas and company. Rojas had left the WIIP in
1954. At the same time, his much vaunted militancy and critical public
statements began to waver, possibly as a result of the constant harassment and
pressure to which he, and others, in the WIIP were subjected. This vacillation
was manifested in the Union's dealings with the Companies on behalf of the
workers. Workers were becoming more and more suspicious of the representation
they were getting and there were many who felt that "sellouts" were
taking place. One such instance was the
oilworkers' struggle to get a Pension Scheme implemented. The workers claim was
simple -- they wanted a decent Pension on which they could live in their
twilight years. This was something they richly deserved after working many years
producing tremendous wealth from which others benefitted. A lot of work was done1
by the more militant sections of the workers as they canvassed the viewpoints
of members on what they wanted. Texaco, which
had entered the Trinidad Oil Industry in 1956, by buying out the former T.L.L.
proposed a totally ridiculous Pension Plan which the majority of workers
rejected outright. Yet, the Executive thought it fit to accept the Company's
offer, and this sparked off an immediate protest by thousands of workers. A mass
demonstration was held in San Fernando, ending up outside the Union's
Headquarters on Lower Hillside Street. Speakers at that meeting denounced the
Company's insulting offer as well as the treachery of the Executive. By their
action the workers demonstrated their resolve not to settle for a worthless
Pension and in the face of their strength, the Company and the Executive
recanted. Nothing nrore was heard about the Pension Plan for several
years, as the Executive made no further attempt to secure a proper retirement
scheme for its members. Then there was the political bankruptcy of Rojas.
In 1955, the Union bought the Palms Club in San Fernando. A big official opening
was planned, and to the consternation of all, it was announced that Albert
Gomes, was to open the building. Though he claimed that he had been
cornered into inviting Gomes, the then Minister of Labour, Rojas could not
extricate himself from the condemnation of many workers, for by this time, Eric
Williams and the PNM had arrived on the scene in Trinago and were exciting the
people with visions of nationalistim (visions that have never become realities}
while Gomes was seen as the antithesis of the national movement. It was,
therefore, a retrograde step for the OWTU to associate itself with him and his
politics. There was thus growing disenchantment within the
ranks of the membership, and a group of workers at Pointe-a-Pierre, decided to
begin a campaign to rectify the problems. They started slowly, doing education
work by raising issues with workers in their Branch. Through this patient work
they were able to succeed in first winning one post in the branch, then in 1956
they were able to win most of the branch offices. This group of dedicated workers had
styled themselves the "REFORMISTS" and they held regular caucuses
(known as "Cabinet") to discuss the affairs of the Union. By securing
the leadership of the most powerful branch of the OWTU, they demonstrated their
maturity and set the stage for a union-wide struggle to reform the
anti-democratic practices and the complacency that was eating away at the very
fibre of the OWTU and what it stood for. The campaign was launched at the
1956 Annual Conference of Delegates, and the news of the internal struggle soon
reached the press. It was in fact to be the newspapers, in a role characteristic
of them, that labelled the Reformists as the "REBELS" - a name which
has remained to this day. It is in fact a name that aptly describes the
militancy of George Weekes and others who sought in 1956 to transform the OWTU
into a democratic institution and it is therefore of little surprise to anyone
that the name "REBELS" quickly replaced "REFORMISTS". The 1956 Annual Conference was indeed a turning point. The Pointe-a-Pierre Branch delegation raised issue after issue in a manner never before seen at Conferences. Questions concerning the Union's finances - irregularities in the Accounting Procedures, Squandering and waste etc. were directed to the Executive and answers demanded. Changes in the Constitution and the Rules of the Union were proposed with the object of bringing about greater democracy into the organisation The question of voting, to enable each worker to participate by popular ballot in electing the Executive of the Union, was put to the delegates gathered. Views concerning the direction and policy of the OWTU were espoused, and criticisms of the existing situation levelled at the leaders. The motions moved by the Pointe-a-Pierre delegates were not successful, as the Conference was still controlled by Rojas loyalists. The Rebels were however, successful in giving the Conference some substance in its deliberations. For the first time the conference lasted three (3) days, and this was solely due to the tremendous amount of debate provoked by Pointe-a-Pierre. The eyes of many workers were opened. They now began to understand the importance of democracy, and members recognised that all was not well with the existing policy of the OWTU. This wind of change, which had sprung up, soon had telling effects. Not understanding the nature of the Movement against his leadership, Rojas decided to destroy it by harsh measures. Three members of the Pointe-a-Pierre Branch -WALTER ANNAMUNTHODO, CECIL MITCHELL and HUGH NORTON, were expelled from the Union in 1957, for "PLOTTING". This move received much publicity from the Press and did nothing to bolster the image of Rojas amongst his membership. In fact, when Annamunthodo fought his case all the way to the Privy Council - and won - workers were more than ever convinced of the need for a change to be made. (Incidentally, this case made
industrial relations history as it was the first time that a worker appealed a
case against a Union in such manner). Thus Rojas' attempt to weaken the
Rebel Movement failed abysmally. The second effect of the campaign
begun in the 1956 Conference of Delegates was the now famous strike in 1960. On
29th June 1960 the Union called the first official strike in its history
and shut down Texaco. In the next few days, the operations at Shell, BP., Apex
and in other fields, were also brought to a standstill. The issue at hand was
the breakdown in negotiations between OWTU and the Oil Companies -
particularly Texaco and Shell, for a new Industrial Agreement. The Union at
first, proposed a 40% wage increase, and then moderated this to 30%. Texaco
originally suggested a 2% increase, and later increased to 4% in a move that
indicated its total contempt for the workers and their dependents. In addition
to the dispute over wages, the Union and Company were deadlocked over hours of
work - the workers wanting a 44-hour work week, severance benefits and
retroactivity. But more than the issues of
increased benefits, the tremendous confidence that workers were gaining in
themselves and their Trade Unions underlined the strike. This confidence and
the new militant leadership that the Rebels had injected into the Union (even
though they were not Executive Officers) -- enabled the industry-wide strike to
last for a record eighteen (18) days (longer even than Butler's strike in 1937).
More than 10,000 oilworkers displayed a unity and commitment that had not been
experienced in the Labour Movement for years. Workers demonstrated exemplary
discipline, pickets were effectively organised, strike bulletins were
distributed to keep workers up-to-date on developments. In
order to combat the force of the anti-worker propaganda on the radio and in the
newspapers - the Union organised a series of meetings throughout Trinidad. In
addition, they published a paid
advertisement entitled "HERE ARE THE FACTS!" which summed up the
Union's case in these words:-"The Union has asked for this rise in
pay because it believes that today, industrial projects under a Capitalist
Society must be operated on the basis of a reasonable sharing of profits between
the workers who produce the wealth and the shareholders who provide the tools.
This is the only acceptable alternative to socialised control of industry and it
is particularly important when, as is here the case, the oil and the labour are
provided by the underdeveloped and backward island like Trinidad while the
shareholders are mostly wealthy foreigners. The slant of the media attempted to cause division between the striking workers and the rest of the community, and this they did by portraying the OWTU as reckless persons holding the country to ransom. That argument is now a familiar one to the blue shirt army and one which seeks only to hide the harsh realities of the mammoth financial benefits that the Oil Company extracts from their operations in Trinago - all at the expense of the working people. So the 1960 strike taught the
OWTU the valuable lesson of stating its position on the multiplicity of issues
that affect the working class of Trinago. For this forthright, principled stand,
the union had gained respect and admiration
from large sections of the population. The strike also marked the establishment
of the sophisticated arguments in support of the union's claim for which it is
now famous. In that year Jack Kelshall, in addition to a senior official of the
International Federation of Petroleum Workers, assisted in preparing the union's
case. Largely because of the tremendous unity and militancy of the workers,
coupled of course with an impregnable case, the Union was able to secure a
record 22% General Wage Increase, along with a reduction in the working hours to
44 hours a week. Many workers felt that more could have been gained if some of
the leadership, and in particular JOHN ROJAS, had more resolve to continue the
fight. In fact, the strike ended in an unusual way with Rojas making a snap
announcement to the striking workers. Rojas came out of the strike with his
reputation far from improved. Indeed, it was due to the workers' insistence as
well as the tremendous amount of agitational and educational work done by the
Rebels that forced Rojas into taking strike action. Left to his own devices, a
strike would probably never have been called. The 1960 strike, therefore, did two main things. First, it drove
another nail in the coffin of the old leadership of the OWTU represented by
Rojas. Secondly, it infused the members with renewed zest and confidence in
themselves to confront the multinational giants. For this, it will be forever
remembered by oil workers. There was one other major issue that caused disaffection in the Union, and in fact, which led to the final demise of Rojas and his Executive. Retrenchment in the Oil Industry was taking on serious proportions, and more than Two Thousand oil workers were laid off their jobs between 1959 and 1961. While this was a serious threat to the livelihood of the Union's members, and to the Union itself, the Executive failed to take any strong steps to arrest the situation. Meetings were held with Company officials and pleas made to Government but with little avail. The arguments put forward by the Companies (particularly BP and Shell) were that land production was dropping, new wells were not profitable to open up and that the Oil Industry internationally was in recession. The Executive, or at least Rojas, seemed to accept these arguments as reasonable, for they did not seek to expose the true nature of the oil multinationals who continued to make tremendous profits on their worldwide operations.
On the other hand workers in the Union had gained experience in 1960 in winning their demands through militant action and they felt the leadership was selling them out. The issue came to a head in 1962. British Petroleum had laid off thirty-eight (38) workers and the matter was discussed at the 1962 Annual Conference of Delegates. That body instructed the General Council "to examine the matter of the BP retrenchment and to take strike action if necessary." However in a meeting with the company's management, Rojas and the General Secretary Joseph Houlder settled the issue by accepting that twenty-two (22) workers would be given employment with a contractor. This was not in keeping with the decision at the Annual Conference since it was known that workers laid off from the Oil Companies and hired by contractors had no job security at all. Often the company and the contractor used this as a ruse to placate the Union, and within a week or two the very workers would find themselves on the breadline once again. And so, the Palo Seco Branch debated and passed a VOTE OF NO CONFIDENCE IN THE PRESIDENT AND GENERAL SECRETARY OF THE OWTU. On March the 27th, 1962, this action was discussed at the General Council, which took the momentous decision of approving the No Confidence Motion in Rojas and Houlder John Rojas, recognising at last that the membership were in
serious doubt as to his ability to lead them wisely, tendered his resignation on
the 13th April 1962. He had been in the Union from its inception, and had been
President General for nineteen (19) years. With his resignation, an era had come
to an end. Elections
for all the Executive posts were held on the 25th June 1962. It was the first
time in the Union's history that every member was entitled to vote for the
leadership of his choice. It was a red-letter day for the working people of the
country for oilworkers put their faith in the leadership of GEORGE WEEKES and
his team of "REBELS". Their faith was based on the knowledge that the
Rebels had restored democracy to the OWTU. Indeed, the very fact that each
worker could vote for an Executive was as a direct result of the campaign that
had begun in the Annual Conference in 1961, when the motion to change the voting
rules of Union was finally successful. The Rebel team in their Manifesto (another first in OWTU history) pledged that "we will at all times irrevocably obey and act upon the orders and instructions of the Annual Conference of Delegates and the General Council of the Union in so far as is constitutionally possible and shall at all times faithfully perform the duties of our office without fear favour, partiality or ill-will and to the best of our judgement and ability" The pledge that was made 15-25 years ago to defend the interests of the Union's members "without fear or favour" has been upheld to this day. And it has been because of the unwavering and uncompromising leadership of the OWTU over the last 15-25 years that has caused it, and GEORGE WEEKES in particular, to be singled out for much condemnation and attack. The first crisis that the new leadership had to face was a battle to save the jobs of hundreds of its members employed at British Petroleum. The Company had planned to immediately retrench three Hundred and fifty (350) workers for "economic reasons." Having seen so many workers lose their jobs previously without a fight from the Union, the new leadership was not prepared to let the same thing occur again. When other avenues failed to get the Company to alter its position, the Union with the full support of all the BP workers served Strike Notice on the Company. And on the 17th February 1963, all 2,600 workers at BP responded to the Union's call. The strike was to last a marathon fifty-seven (57) days. During the period, the Union's Executive did all in its power to get BP to save the jobs of the workers, thereby putting them in a position to call off the strike. BP however was adamant. The Government intervened, yet even talks with the Prime Minister and the Labour Commissioner, failed to produce a just settlement. In fact, it was only the decision of the General Council to call out all Union members to support their colleagues at BP that gave the Union's negotiating team the strength it needed to bring about a settlement with the company. The OWTU had indicated to everyone that it stood firm on the principles of justice. They were able to save the jobs of many persons who would otherwise have lost them. More than that, they were able to put a stop to the wild retrenchment that was taking place in the Oil Industry. That itself was a remarkable achievement. Throughout
the strike, attempts were made to sabotage the Union's efforts to defend its
members. Newspaper editorials tried to paint a picture of subversion and
destruction of the economy and the society, yet never a word was mentioned about
the survival of the retrenched workers, their wives and children. As usual, the
capitalists were concerned only about their profits. Due to the pressure being exerted on the Government from the Oil Companies and the business sector generally, an announcement was made that a Commission of Enquiry would be set up to investigate subversion in the Trade Unions. Thc Report of the Commission (popularly known as the Mbanefo Commission) was to surface some two years later in the most opportunistic fashion. One of the members of the Commission was McDonald Moses, founding member of the OWTU who was a close friend of Rojas, and who also had capitulated to the side of the employer class. One of the fore-most instigators of this enquiry was none other than John Rojas, disgraced leader of the OWTU. Rojas had for some time been making noises about "Communists" in the trade union movement. In fact, some six months previously, he had used the Senate as a forum to warn of these "communists" who controlled several key Trade Unions and who were planning an "overthrow of the Government." The 1963 BP strike, therefore, only provided the pretext to carry on a "communist witch-hunt" along the lines of the infamous Mc Carthy in the United States. Essentially, it was an attempt to destroy the Progressive Trade Union Movement and the OWTU in particular. Within the Union, various
elements, no doubt inspired by the anti-Communist drive, and supported no doubt
by the CIA, attempted to discredit Weekes and the Rebels with a series of
pamphlets printed under such nefarious names as "The Anti-Culprits and Subversives
Exposure Association" and "The Oilworkers Free Trade Union
Group. "In the pamphlets, the general theme was that Weekes was "communist"
and was leading the Union to destruction. The workers were totally unmoved
by these ridiculous accusations, and the attacks did little more than strengthen
the support for the Rebels. For the Oilworkers knew only too well the
capabilities of the Rebels in "holding the fort". In 1963, for
example, the Union had successfully negotiated a substantial wage increase in
addition to cutting the work week .to forty hours. More than that, they got a
Pension Plan instituted at Texaco -a first in the oil Industry. Under the
Rebels, oilworkers were receiving the best representation possible, and far from
destroying the Union, it was being strengthened. 1965, was to be a most
important year in the history of the Union - and of Trinago as a whole. For 1965, witnessed
another attempt by the working class to unite. The issue that sparked off the
events of 1965 was a strike by the tasker drivers at the Ste. Madeleine Sugar
Factory. These workers, who were all members of the All Trinidad Sugar Estates
and Factory Workers Trade Union, were protesting the lack of action on the part
of their Executive to process a number of long outstanding grievances. Bhadase
Maharaj, President of the Union, reacted in a most vicious manner by bringing in
scores of strike-breakers under the armed protection of Caroni's Estate
Police. The move was reminiscent of Rojas in 1947. The workers immediately mobilised their colleagues in the fields and in the other factories, and by the 8th March, 1965, all sugar workers had gone on strike. The workers' objective was to rid themselves of the corrupt and sell-out leadership of Bhadase Maharaj. In their struggle for democracy, the sugar workers turned to George Weekes to assist them. It was a natural and logical step for them to take, based as it was on the record of Weekes and the OWTU. Weekes was also President of the National Trade Union Congress - the umbrella body of the Trade Union Movement. The N.T.U.C. was at the time a united body, but the incidents of 1965 were to see an end to that unity. As soon as the sugar workers brought their problem to Weekes, he raised the issue in an emergency session with the NTUC Executive. The Executive agreed to stand with the workers and wrote both Caroni and the Government, requesting a meeting to discuss the crisis with a view to finding some solution. To this day, neither the company nor the government met with the NTUC. Instead,
the Government declared a STATE OF EMERGENCY on the 18th March. Originally
restricted to the county of Caroni, it was later extended to Barataria,
ostensibly to enable the police to put CLR James, under house arrest. By
declaring a State of Emergency, the Williams' Government sought to prevent the
sugar workers from being led by progressive Trade Unionists. That would have
strengthened the growing disenchantment amongst the working class about the
pro-imperialist stance of the PNM. As Williams himself put it: -"My outstanding
responsibility in Parliament
was the Industrial Stabilisation Act
introduced in a State of Emergency
The subversive elements in the society, with James in the forefront were
at work, the background was an open attempt to link the Trade Unions in oil
and sugar." The very fact that the largely Indian sugar workers wanted to join with the largely African oilworkers was too serious a threat to those that controlled the society. Some twenty years before, the working class had attempted, under Butler, to forge that very unity. That led to the Colonial Government employing every device available to divide the working class in order to rule. And not least of these techniques was the establishment of a Westminister style Parliament, complete with Political Parties led by opportunistic politicians who appealed to the working class on the basis of race. In 1965, Williams did not hesitate to use force to prevent that historical unity, and it was to take another decade before the oil and sugar workers got another opportunity to link arms again.
Immediately after declaring the Emergency, the Government laid before the House of Representatives the Mbanefo Report on Subversive Activities. The Commission of Enquiry, set up in 1963, after the BP strike had presented its Report to the Governor General in January, 1964, yet it was not disclosed until March 18th, 1965. The reason was obvious. The Government hoped that its contents would further justify their strong-handed actions in the sugar strike. Moreover because the Report resurrected the "RED SCARE" the PNM regime hoped that Weekes would be rejected totally as a Trade Union leader. It was an opportunistic and sinister move by the Government - and one which was to eventually fail. The PNM
regime did one more thing which planted it firmly on the employers' side of the
fence. It introduced the Industrial Stabilisation Act which, amongst other
things, out-lawed strikes. This move was in fact contrary to what Williams
himself had said in 1960 - "Industrial democracy is based on the
right of workers to withhold their labour by way of strike, even though the
community is thrown in turmoil" When
the Governor General assented to the Bill on March 21st, 1965, a
blow was struck against all workers in Trinago. They now had their only weapon
taken away from them, and were forced to deal with a frustrating system of
arbitration that culminated in the Industrial Court -a Court designed to serve
the capitalist. The Bill itself was hurriedly drafted and passed in both houses in the space of twenty-four hours. It is significant that it received the support of the Opposition DLP, even though this Party was supposed to represent the interests of the sugar workers who were their main constituents. Also supporting the Bill with great enthusiasm was Senator John Rojas, who in his speech continued to berate the "RED MENACE". His position, as that of the DLP indicated clearly an anti-worker position. One more significant event was to occur. Leaders of some Trade Unions, though they had in Congress Executive meetings supported Weekes' position in trying to solve the sugar crisis, turned traitor to the workers. They publicly disassociated themselves from the official NTUC position, and proceeded to castigate Weekes and the General Secretary of NTUC, Eugene Joseph. In fact, two Unions - the Seamen and Waterfront Workers Trade Union and the Union of Com mercial and Industrial Workers, were taken out of Congress by their leaders because they disagreed with Weekes. Faced with the treachery of his fellow Trade Union leaders (Manswell, Stanford, Tull and others), and recognising that the forces of reaction were desperately trying to destroy the OWT'J as a progressive Trade Union, George Weekes, resigned as President of the NTUC on the 24th March 1965. That date marked a serious division in the Trade Union Movement, one side supporting the PNM and the capitalists, the other firm in its belief of true independence. History
will also record the OWTU's consistent and principled stand on the ISA. It began
with the General Council's call to workers for a token two-hour strike on the
day of the presentation of the Bill in Parliament to protest its passage. Later
on the Union was to bring down a legal expert - JOHN PLATT-MILI-S QC to fight
the Union's claim that the ISA was unconstitutional. Platt-Mills made the
Union's position clear. "However, the other matters of the complaint
affects so many different parts of the Act, and may be said to permeate the
whole, with the result, in our opinion, that it must be held that the Act in its
entirety must be set aside as being unconstitutional We think rather that if
contrary to our view of what is just and correct in law, it were ever sought to
put the Act into operation in its different forms, there would be revealed a
number of anomalies and contradictions which would show that it could not be
operated efficiently." The Union fought the case all the way to the Privy Council and lost because the judicial system had to support the Government in keeping the lid on the Industrial Relations crisis facing the country. The working class, however, continued their militant action and disregard of the ISA. By their action they were able to expose the ISA as a disreputable piece of legislation. It is easy to understand the
concerted effort to destroy Weekes and the Rebels in these early months of
1965, since elections were to be held for all the Executive posts on the 17th
May, 1965. Yet despite all the frenzied attacks from all sources, not
forgetting the aspirant to office FABIEN LESALDO, and his CIA inspired
Oilworkers Free Trade Union Group, the Rebels won another landslide victory.
Democracy and freedom had been preserved in the OWTU. Such was the importance of the OWTU in the minds of American big business that they openly tried to subvert the Union. Following their support for Lesaldo in 1965, they threw their weight behind Urilton Pierre in 1968. The quote from this letter written to the C.I.A. organised AIFLD in May 1968, clearly demonstrates what forces the Union has had to be up against. "In the
Caribbean, most of our activities have bee concentrated in Trinidad. The
Oilfields Workers' Trade Union is our largest affiliate in this area. During the
past few year its leadership has come under increasing communist leadership, if
not under the direction of communist leaders.... We have a full-time office
established in Trinidad and its Purpose is to preserve the OWTU for the
democratic trade union movement. During
the next few months, an election will be held in this union which could well
determine the course. which it will take in the future. Its present
leadership is being challenged by a group of leaders who are dedicated to the
free trade union movement. The petroleum industry is one of the most vital
industries in the Caribbean and Central America Many new refineries have been
built in this area and they are the target for trade union activity for the
organisation." The next momentous event in the Union's history was the battle in 1967 to save the livelihood of thousands of workers at BP and Shell, whose jobs were being threatened once again with retrenchment. This time BP wanted to trench no less than 1,500 and Shell 350 workers. The implications of this programme of retrenchment were alarming. For two thousand men to lose their jobs in a country already beset with soaring rates of unemployment and underemployment meant that many would never find useful employment again. That spelt destitution to their families. This retrenchment would therefore affect the quality of life of well over ten thousand citizens of the country. A massive campaign was launched to
save the work jobs, and the cry went out around the oilfields "NOT A M MUST GO!"
Demonstrations and meetings were held by members in support of their beleaguered
colleagues and the General Council constantly met to discuss the workers'
plight. He lines from the "Vanguard" newspapers (The "Vanguard
was a paper printed and published by the Vanguard Printery owned by the OWTU.)
Begun in the early days of the Union it was closed down after a few years. It
was reestablished the Rebels in 1965 and ran weekly until 1971) indicated
seriousness of the matter. The Union held discussions with the Prime Mini and other top ranking Government Officials, in addition spate of meetings with the Companies - both privately under the aegis of the Labour Commissioner. Yet BP failed to agree to the Union's position on retrenchment and remained unconcerned about instituting an up to-date Pension P even though the Union had submitted proposals some years previously. While these talks were underway, both companies offered an "incentive" plan in order to encourage workers to retire early from their employ. The carrot dangled before the workers was a lump-sum payment. Though the Union recognised the pitfalls of this strategy, many workers, against their Executives' warning, accepted the companies' offer. Some were to regret their decision for they soon had nothing left and were unable to find any alternative employment. Eventually, the case reached the Industrial Court, where the Company held the advantage. The Union, in order to secure the best possible defence for their comrades, enlisted the services of a well known British Socialist - DR. CHARLES FEINSTEIN, Lecturer in Economics at Cambridge University. Though the Union's team argued a watertight case concerning the profitability of BP, the Court, in a Judgement that lent credence to the Union's charge that it was an instrument of the employer class, ruled that BP could begin to retrench workers. Even though a retrenchment order was given, it should be noted that BP was not in fact allowed to lay-off all the workers it had planned to. Similarly with Shell. In all, some 411 men were laid off and a little more than 300 accepted the Company's inducement to retire early. The jobs of the other 800 men were saved. There was another theme that arose out of the retrenchment issue, and that was the call for the nationalisation of the Oil Industry. As early as 1937, oilworkers - through their spokesman BUTLER - had advocated nationalisation of the Oil Industry. In those days however, the working class's pleas were dismissed as the rantings of a "madman" (Butler). In 1967, when the retrenchment of workers in the Oil Industry again came to the fore, Weekes and the OWTU quickly realised that a local Oil Company - owned by the Government - was a necessary step in rectifying the worsening situation in the industry. The call went out for a NATIONAL OIL COMPANY, to take over BP's operations. In a document submitted to the Prime Minister, the Union stated - "The crux of the Union’s case is that the nation cannot afford to have treasures hidden underground, while workers starve, merchants go bankrupt, and the Treasury remains deficient." It was a clear position on the need for local ownership and control of natural resources, which would have had tremendous positive implications for the lives and destiny of the Trinagonian people. It is a question that remains as true today as it did one decade ago. Another development was taking place in the Trade Union Movement that was to affect the OWTU significantly. Because of the unimpeachable manner in which PG Weekes and the Rebels carried out their responsibility, they gained the respect of thousands of workers throughout the country. Workers saw a different kind of Trade Union - one which could with stature make pronouncements on nationalisation; on Agriculture, and on the need for economic independence. All this in addition to defending the rights of workers in the best possible fashion. This show of confidence was manifested in, for example, the massive march organised by the workers through the streets of Port of Spain in June 1968. Several other Unions joined the OWTU in the "MARCH OF RESISTANCE" but it was George Weekes who stood out head over shoulders above the rest. As a result of the OWTU's Vanguard role in the Trade Union Movement, many workers were desirous of joining the "BLUE SHIRTS." The workers at Trinidad Cement, were the first to take this decision, but because of legal wranglings, the injustice of the Industrial Court and other subterfuges, it was to be twelve years before OWTU was finally granted Recognition for them. One of the stumbling blocks to their joining the union was the existing Union Rules which, in its objectives, limited membership to workers in the Oil Industry. The relevant Rule (No.2) was duly amended at the 27th Annual Conference in January 1967, paving the way for workers in any industry or area of activity to join. Workers in the Rubber Industry (Dunlop) joined, as did the Chemical workers at Fed Chem, and the Agricultural workers at Brighton. Then in an important move, the OWTU won Recognition for the workers at T & TEC - the electricity suppliers to the country - In 1969, TUBAL URIAH "BUZZ" BUTLER, was officially brought back into the fold of the Oilfields Workers' Trade Union. He was made a life member, and decorated with the LABOUR STAR, the Union's highest award. Though it could not erase the events of 1939 when Butler was expelled from the O.W.T.U. and those of 1946-47 when the union was used to break Butler's strike, his retirement finally placed Butler in his rightful place. In 1971, a life-size statue of the National Hero was erected in front of the Union's Branch Hall at Fyzabad. To this day it remains the only statue of Butler in this country. The Fyzabad Branch Hall was renamed "THE BUTLER HALL OF THE REVOLUTION" in honour of the man who led the working class in 1937. In addition, Butler was decorated with another one of the Union's highest awards the "LA BRLA CHARLES" medal. The Union never forgot its responsibility to the Chief Servant in his twilight years. Throughout the period of his illness the O.W.T.U. stood by him providing medicines and doctor's care. Prior to this, the Union assisted in the construction of a home for "Buzz" Butler. The growing consciousness of the people was soon demonstrated by the bus workers - members of the OWTU's sister Union the Transport and Industrial Workers Union. Their protests reached Strike proportions, and in April 1969 in open defiance of the ISA they went on strike. In order to enforce their action they sat down in front of the buses to prevent them from leaving the terminus and this resulted in Police being brought in. A large number of bus workers were arrested along with their Union Leaders in this incident. In this whole crisis, the O.W.T.U. and its President General supported their colleagues in the transport industry. This was precisely what the PNM (of which Critchlow and other TUC leaders are members) wanted, for it gave government the excuse of an industrial relations crisis to declare a State of Emergency and to jail the President General of the OWTU along with a labour relations officer and President and Secretary of the Badger Branch. Also jailed was the Union's legal adviser Jack Kelshall. During this second state of Emergency, two (2) important developments were to take place. Secondly, moves were made within the Union to establish a reactionary leadership in the persons of the then first Vice-President Verne Edwards, and the then General Secretary, Lionel Beckles. For during the eight months that the President General was detained these two (2) top officers in the Union did not actively seek the release of the detained Union officers. Neither did they mobilise the Union's leadership to agitate against the various laws that were being passed during the Emergency, as was done successfully against the Public Order Act. Moreover many workers at Texaco felt that the manner in which the Texaco negotiations (which were concluded during the State of Emergency) were conducted was tantamount to a sell-out by these two (2) officers. These were a few of the criticisms levelled against Beckles and Edwards, whose actions amounted to an attempt to derail the OWTU from its line of militant trade unionism. AND WHEREAS: Yet despite the overwhelming no confidence vote against them, these two officers refused to resign, and instead, resorted to legal techniques to try and remain in office. In all, some ten High Court Actions, two appeals to the Court of Appeal and a Contempt Motion were lodged against the Union by Beckles and Edwards. But all of this legal wrangling could not save them from the will of the vast majority of the blue shirt fold. The attempt to sabotage the OWTU from within had failed, but it took its toll on the strength and energy of the Union. The next two years was, therefore, a period of consolidation, a period when the "batteries" were recharged, and the body nursed back to perfect health. The means used by PG Weekes and his other dedicated officers was a series of meetings, Conferences and Lectures. This period in the Union history has aptly been described as a time of "DIALOGUE". Since the work done by Panday and Shah in the sugar belt had led to the increased awareness of sugar workers about the nature of the society, its effect was similar to the series of COSSABOS (Conference of Shop Stewards and Branch Officers) held by the OWTU in those crucial years of Dialogue. It was of little surprise therefore, that these Unions, joined by the Transport and Industrial Workers Union, formed a new alliance. This alliance provided a United Front to the multinationals they confronted in the arena of industrial relations. But more significantly was the call, based as it was on the increased awareness of the need for self-determination, that "Tate and Lyle and Texaco must go." BE IT
FURTHER RESOLVED that this great rally demand: 2.
To repeal Act No.23 of 1972 - the Industrial Relations Act - IRA. 3. To
protest the delay of Texaco, Caroni Limited, and Neal & Massy Limited, in
concluding negotiation, with the OWTU, ATSE & FWTU and TIWU, respectively Because the country's economic activity was being slowly stopped by the workers' action, and because they realised that their moral authority was being seriously questioned by the people the Government decided to act in the only way they knew. Rather than trying to influence the Companies concerned to settle the legitimate demands of the workers, it forcibly broke up the march using police batons, teargas, and gunbutts. Marchers and innocent bystanders - all of them patriotic citizens - felt the full brunt of the police's action. For once, the Press, which up to that day were carrying out its usual campaign of anti-worker propaganda, were forced to condemn the harshness of the police action. This resulted in the famous "purges" at the Government owned radio station, and the imposition by the new Chairman Jimmy Bain, of bans on the voices of George Weekes and his other ULF colleagues. During the day, many persons
including Weekes, were arrested for "illegal marching" and though
attempts were made to regroup and continue along the route to Port of Spain the
police broke up all such attempts. There were reports of workers being harassed
and beaten in Chaguanas, Couva and Marabella, and even students on the
University Campus who had come out in support of their brothers in oil and sugar
were confronted by a hostile police. March 18th 1975 was indeed "BLOODY
TUESDA Y" |